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Analysis

What UAE interest in South Korea’s KF-21 jets signals for Gulf defense strategy

A recent “friendship flight” with the KF-21 Boramae gave the UAE a firsthand look at Seoul’s most advanced fighter, highlighting Abu Dhabi’s efforts to diversify its airpower suppliers and expand regional influence.

Participants look at a miniature of KF-21 fighter jet (front) on display at the Responsible AI in the Military Domain (REAIM) summit in Seoul on Sept. 10, 2024.
Participants look at a miniature of KF-21 fighter jet (front) on display at the Responsible AI in the Military Domain (REAIM) summit in Seoul, on Sept. 10, 2024. — JUNG YEON-JE/AFP via Getty Images

On Aug. 7, United Arab Emirates Defense Undersecretary Ibrahim Nasser Mohammed Al Alawi climbed into the back seat of a KF-21 Boramae prototype for what both sides billed as a “friendship flight” at South Korea’s Sacheon Air Base. The high-profile ride — the first time a senior Emirati defense official has flown in Seoul’s most advanced fighter — capped a week of defense diplomacy that also featured vice-ministerial talks in Seoul and discussions on expanding joint training, personnel exchanges and arms-industry cooperation.

The flight follows an April 2025 letter of intent committing both countries to “comprehensive cooperation” on the KF-21, a 4.5-generation multirole fighter positioned between workhorses like the F-16 and cutting-edge aircraft such as the F-35. With negotiations on acquiring F-35s still frozen between the United States and the UAE and regional airpower competition intensifying, the Boramae offers a credible alternative for the UAE, blending advanced capabilities, flexible weapons integration and potential industrial participation.

UAE’s procurement strategy, political signaling

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the UAE was the world’s 11th largest importer of major arms between 2020 and 2024, accounting for 2.6% of global arms imports. Abu Dhabi buys from a broad spectrum of suppliers — with the United States (42%), France (17%) and Turkey (11%) being its top three in recent years — carefully balancing operational needs, cost-effectiveness and political relationships.

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