Barring last-minute changes (a not uncommon occurrence in Israel), Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s fourth government will be sworn in next week. It will be a narrow, right-wing and ultra-Orthodox government, but with a solid majority of 67 Knesset members, hence its nickname: “the 67 government.” This does not refer to the '67 border lines, but to the 67 Knesset members of the coalition from which this government will be assembled. Most of these Knesset members do not recognize the two-state solution and the 1967 lines; while these are viewed by the global community as the basis for all negotiations vis-à-vis the Palestinians, these Knesset members view them as fictitious.

This will be the first time that, in the current political era, an ideological right-wing government is established in Israel (with slight exceptions). Although the right has ruled Israel for several decades already (with short breaks), right-wing prime ministers were careful to establish balanced governments with representatives from center, or even center-left blocs. This was true for Ariel Sharon, when the Labor Party was part of his first government (2001-2003); for Netanyahu, whose 2009 government included Labor, too; and Netanyahu’s 2013 government, which included Tzipi Livni, now co-leader of the Zionist Camp. This time, Netanyahu lacks any and all major fig leaves; he says that he is carrying out “the will of the voter.” He promised an ideological right-wing government, and he is delivering on his promise. This is a dangerous experiment, the consequences of which are uncertain. It is a shame that such an experiment is being carried out on human beings.

Netanyahu went into this escapade joylessly. True, he swore never to betray his electoral base again, but he is an experienced politician who is familiar with the international arena. He would have preferred a more centrist government, with Zionist Camp leader Isaac Herzog as the key stabilizing force in it and the “official whitewasher” of Netanyahu’s policies vis-a-vis the United States and Europe. And by the way, Herzog would also be happy to take this role, with the addition of an array of attractive portfolios and a respectable representation in the Cabinet and other policy-making forums.

Ever since the elections, there were low-key contacts between Netanyahu and Herzog; messages were transmitted, proposals were exchanged, but neither side was ready to close a deal. Both of them, Bibi (Netanyahu) and Buji (Herzog), knew that if they joined forces immediately after the elections, it might be the straw to break the camel’s back. Both of them had promised their constituents throughout the entire campaign that they would not sit together after the elections. For the first time in a long time, the Israeli public does not want a unity government. The internal opposition to unity, in the Zionist Camp as well as Likud parties, together with the fear of a harsh public backlash, is what prevented the current unity scheme from coming to fruition.