On Sept. 12, just five days before the election, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu flew to Sochi to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. At first, Netanyahu wanted something entirely different. He was hoping for a tripartite meeting of the national security advisers of Israel, Russia and the United States, ideally with each of the heads of state — Netanyahu, Putin and President Donald Trump — in attendance. This initiative failed. Putin refused to cooperate, while the United States is busy with something else entirely, i.e., the likely meeting between Trump and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, much to Netanyahu’s chagrin.

Netanyahu also paid a quick visit to Russia on the eve of the last April election, to Moscow that time. Before his trip to Sochi, he said he planned to speak with Putin about the situation in Syria, insist on freedom of military activity for Israel and explain the severity of Iran’s actions. Did he manage to get anything out of that trip? It is highly doubtful.

Two important statements from Moscow this week preceded the meeting in Sochi — the first dealing with Iran. Unlike Netanyahu, who claimed Sept. 9 that Iran is continuing to violate the agreement it signed with the superpowers in 2015 and is continuing to develop nuclear weapons, the Russian representative in the International Atomic Energy Agency said Sept. 10 that the agency’s findings underscore the civilian nature of the Iranian nuclear program. About a day later, the “annexation brouhaha” erupted when Netanyahu made his big announcement that if he wins another term, he will annex the Jordan Valley and the northern Dead Sea coast. It is likely the prime minister was focused on internal Israeli affairs and his stubborn fight for survival against Yisrael Beitenu leader Avigdor Liberman, his old friend who is now his archenemy, and Yamina (Rightward) leader Ayelet Shaked, whom he loathes. His “dramatic announcement," however, was seen not only in Israel but around the world. Arab states condemned it, the United States announced that American policy regarding the Palestinian territories has not changed and Russia expressed concerns that such a step could lead to a serious escalation of the conflict.

Both cases involved clear Russian policy, which hasn’t changed despite the good relationship between the Russian president and the Israeli prime minister. Russia maintains a close strategic alliance with Iran, even if the two countries do not always share the same interests. Iran is still important to Russia as a key player in the Syrian arena and as a Russian anchor in the Middle East. As for the Palestinians, Russia’s position hasn't changed. It recognized Palestinian independence in 2012, supports the principle of a two-state solution and maintains close ties with both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas. Its relationship with Israel has not resulted in any changes to these positions either.