At the end of the Sept. 11 meeting of Hamas leaders with Egyptian intelligence head Khaled Fawzy, the leaders announced that they are willing to dissolve the new council they established in the Gaza Strip, and instead consolidate a unity government with Fatah. Thus, in just one meeting in Cairo, Fawzy succeeded in doing what Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas failed to do, despite the latter’s destructive sanctions imposed on Gaza. The Hamas top brass agreed to dissolve the shadow government set up by the new leader of the movement in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar.

Since April, Abbas had imposed on Gaza several sanctions, including the darkening of the Gaza Strip (by refusing to finance its electricity supply), cutbacks in the salaries of the Palestinian Authority’s employees in Gaza and even cessation of funding for medical services and maintenance of hospitals. These sanctions intensified the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. But despite all that, Hamas was not willing to forfeit the new council. This was Sinwar’s declaration of independence in the Gaza Strip, which turned out to be a serious mistake on his part. Sinwar tried to flex his muscles and prove that he is capable of coping with the difficulties and obstacles placed in front of the movement. But very quickly it became clear to the Hamas leadership that their new Gaza leader was a political novice who did not anticipate the results of his steps in advance.

“After the terrible suffering that [Sinwar] generated, and continues to impose on the almost 2 million residents of the Gaza Strip, the Hamas leaders are returning with their tails between their legs,” said a high-placed Fatah source from the West Bank, speaking to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity. “What was he thinking? And what did [Hamas political bureau head] Ismail Haniyeh do to stop him?” Now, both Sinwar and Haniyeh are trying to turn the clock back in appealing to Abbas to be a partner in administrating Gaza via a unity government. Will Abbas accept the invitation? Will he be ready to enter Hamas’ sickbed, when Hamas runs an army that is larger than all the Palestinian security apparatuses in the West Bank, and even fund all this?

“He might not have a choice,” said the Palestinian source, raising the great dilemma faced by the Palestinian president: Proper relations with Egypt are important to Abbas these days when he is planning to embark on important international diplomatic initiatives. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is an important key figure. Without his support, Abbas will find it difficult to recruit the pragmatic Arab countries to his side. On the other hand, he will not want to carry Hamas on his back during the next fateful year. According to Fatah officials, this may be Abbas’ last year in power due to his advanced age. Moreover, after the World Bank released an optimistic prediction for the Palestinian market (West Bank and Gaza) of a 7% growth (assuming that the correct economic steps are taken), Abbas has no reason to pour millions of dollars into Hamas at the expense of the West Bank. On the other hand, Gaza residents will not view the Palestinian president as their leader after divorcing himself from the Gaza Strip and abusing its residents with sanctions.