On Jan. 31, Israeli opposition leader and Knesset member Isaac Herzog took to Facebook to celebrate the High Court of Justice’s decision ordering Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to explain why he refuses to relinquish the communications portfolio. The court's action was in response to a petition filed by Herzog. In the complaint, Herzog argued that after the police investigation of Netanyahu in Case 2000, which concerns an alleged deal between Netanyahu and Israeli media tycoon Arnon Mozes, exposed what appeared to be a conflict of interest involving the Israeli media market, the prime minister should not continue to hold the position. The court is expected to decide on the matter in March, after receiving the prime minister’s response.
In the meantime, it is hard to ignore Herzog's self-praise even before the justices’ decision. Judging by his Facebook post, it was important to him that he make clear that he himself filed the petition and that the “High Court in an unusual step issued a conditional order that directs the prime minister and the attorney general to explain why they won’t respond to the petition.” Going a step further, Herzog and his people maneuvered to spread word of the court’s decision to the television news channels for prime time.
One can see where Herzog is coming from. The Zionist Camp leader has not enjoyed many moments of satisfaction in recent months and finds himself in a daily existential political battle. His petition, however, testifies to his weakness as the leader of the Israeli opposition. Herzog is not only the chairman of the opposition, a role with the potential to create a powerful parliamentary platform leading the public agenda, he also heads a large party, with 24 seats, only six less than the ruling Likud. It was he, not some party operative or nonparliamentary movement identified with the Zionist Camp, who filed the petition with the court on the matter at hand and depended on it to advance a political agenda against Netanyahu and his government.
Thinking about this, one begins to understand the absurdity and the depth of the crisis of Israel's political and parliamentary system, the latter of which, as the legislative branch, is supposed to oversee the work of the government. It is right to fight the proliferation of ministries held by Netanyahu, who in addition to his role as prime minister personally controls two other ministries close to his heart: foreign affairs and communications. Netanyahu refuses to let go of the Foreign Affairs Ministry for political reasons — to avoid promoting one of his rivals to a senior and symbolically important role and thereby creating a potential rival and alternative to lead Likud. The Communications Ministry, on the other hand, is a more complicated and problematic story.
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