It is quite an image to fathom or comprehend. One year ago, Morsi stood in the center of Tahrir Square with relatively minimal protection, opening his jacket to cheering crowds in the ultra-packed square to show them that he wore no bulletproof vest, as he knew he was safe among them. The crowd was visibly a diverse one, even if the Islamist presence was somewhat expectedly predominant. Still, it represented the wide multi-ideological revolutionary coalition that allowed Morsi his slim margin of victory of just 51.7% against his opponent. And despite how many in Tahrir Square and elsewhere were apprehensive of the idea of a Muslim Brotherhood president, there was still a general willingness to give him a chance, and to be proven wrong in suspicions or preconceived notions. The media was also ostensibly willing to be positively surprised. By early November, it seemed as if Morsi was turning out to be at least more capable than expected, and he could end up succeeding in making a mark as a local and international statesman.

Today, no one even knows for sure where Morsi is right now. In fact, there are even claims that Morsi, presidency staffers and Muslim Brotherhood leaders are banned from travel by the military. The country has seen what were certainly the largest protests ever in its history — and in the region — on June 30, and it is set for massive protests again on July 2, with Egyptians demanding Morsi resigns in favor of early presidential elections. The military has issued a statement giving 48 hours for the “people’s demands” to be met before it comes out with a “road map” of its own, while somehow stressing that it also will not go back into “the circle of governance.” Military choppers sporting Egyptian flags continued to circle Tahrir in what seemed to be a direct message of support to roaring crowds. And throughout the day on July 1, following the military’s statement, people walked with flags in hand in the streets or hang them from their apartment buildings and honked at cars and passersby, even more so than on June 30.

Everyone is celebrating as if Morsi is gone without a doubt. The Ministry of Interior also issued a statement siding with the military and promised “not to let down the people.” The opposition National Salvation Front has also come out in support of the military statement, though the opposition is really not the primary player here in any case. What’s even more remarkable is that Salafi party Al-Nour and the Salafi Call, its parent organization, have just come out in support of early presidential elections, a technocratic government and constitutional amendments, in one of the biggest blows to Morsi and the Brotherhood. And as of now, five ministers have resigned — including Foreign Minister Mohammed Kamel Amr — at 1:30 a.m. local time, three governors (according to my uncertain count, given how blurry the news is) have also left office, many Muslim Brotherhood headquarters have, regrettably, been burned down and ransacked, including the main building in Moqattam. The list goes on. In fact, even US President Barack Obama seems to have taken a small step back.

The Brotherhood and the presidency canceled their own scheduled pressers following the military’s. Instead, the presidency issued a statement at 1:10 a.m. local time, in which it said it was informed of the military statement before it came out, and it found problems with syntax that “might cause confusion in the national scene.” It also stressed again on the “civil state,” and that Morsi was still engaged in national reconciliation. Instead of the Brotherhood statement, the “national coalition for the support of legitimacy” — pretty much an Islamist coalition — has come out to acknowledge the number of Egyptians in the streets but called for counterprotests “in all the squares of Egypt” on July 2 in support of Morsi, stressed on dialogue as well as the constitutional framework and nonviolence as a way to solve the situation. Meanwhile, the pro-Morsi sit-in in Rabaa has maintained a defiant tone, with one of the Muslim Brotherhood’s leaders, Mohamed Ibrahim al-Beltagy, reportedly stating that they “won’t allow early presidential elections over our dead bodies.” (Note: at the time of writing this piece, the pro-Morsi sit-in in Rabaa appears to have dispersed a bit, potentially to regroup in other areas.)