Amid pro-reform street protests in Karak, Irbid and Safwa, on Feb. 10 King Abdullah II opened the first session of the newly elected Jordanian parliament with a speech full of ambitious plans for democratic transformation and enhanced parliamentary government. The king called for a “white revolution” — a government-led technocratic revolution of sorts resulting in enhanced efficiency and improved government services. In appealing to the public, Abdullah called for a bottom-up, grassroots approach to solving problems and pledged transparency and openness in government. He referred to the inauguration of the parliament as a “milestone on the road to democratization and comprehensive reform.”

At present, however, Abdullah has only one leg on which to stand given his track record in turning lofty rhetoric into substantive change. When a new electoral law passed in October 2012, nearly a year after its introduction in parliament, the result disappointed many sectors of the population, including opposition parties, political activists, journalists, civil society leaders and even regime loyalists who had hoped for real change through the reform process championed by Abdullah. The law established a professional, and credible, independent election commission, but preserved the status quo through disproportionate districting that privileges East Bank tribes and discourages candidates from running on political or economic platforms.

Several months prior to the elections, the government passed a restrictive amendment to the Press and Publications Law that has been used to muzzle online media and is widely viewed as a tool of soft containment by the palace. The combination of developments, plus the lack of aggressive prosecution of corruption cases, has led many Jordanians to question the king’s political will and commitment to reform.

The palace tried to cast the parliamentary elections held on Jan. 23 as a barometer of support for the king’s political reform efforts, but since most people cast ballots on the basis of tribal affinity, voter turnout cannot be used as an indicator. When turnout is calculated based on the number of people eligible to vote but who remain unregistered, the rate drops significantly from the government-cited 56% to around 40%, which is lower than the figure for the elections held in 2010. If anything, the relatively low turnout in 2013 would suggest that most Jordanians are disappointed with the gap between the high expectations created by the Arab Spring and the extremely modest and slow change they see around them. While the king and his advisors have said all the right things and delivered compelling and inspiring speeches, for many Jordanians their words remain mere rhetoric and promises yet to be kept.