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In Egypt, Lamentations Over a Lost Revolution

Steven A. Cook writes that at the moment of truth, the Egyptian military has made a bold move to ensure its interests no matter the results at the ballot box. This moves the historic struggle between the Brotherhood and the military into a new phase that only a new constitution that clearly delimits the powers of both the military and the presidency can resolve.
People walk in front of a wall sprayed with stencilled paintings depicting the Egyptian military council members, including Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi (C), the head of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), in Tahrir Square in Cairo May 24, 2012. Egypt resumes its first free presidential election on Thursday after voting passed off mostly calmly on the first day apart from a stone-throwing attack on candidate Ahmed Shafiq, who was premier for a few days before Hosni Mubarak fell. REUTERS/

By now, even those with just a passing interest in Egyptian politics are aware that last Thursday (June 14), the Supreme Constitutional Court nullified the election of one-third of the seats in the People’s Assembly. According to the Court, the two different methods by which independent and party-affiliated candidates were elected — “first past the post” and proportional representation, respectively — were unconstitutional because they rendered the candidates unequal. The decision threw Egypt’s political arena into turmoil, but that paled in comparison to what happened next.

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces stepped in and dissolved the parliament, a power it does not have, and vested itself with legislative responsibility. Twitter feeds and Facebook immediately lit up with cries of “coup” and lamentations over a lost revolution. Still, the military was not done. By Sunday, the officers followed up with an addendum to their March 2011 Constitutional Declaration that effectively subordinates the new Egyptian president to the SCAF.

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