Sudanese Opposition Leader Predicts
Uprising Against President Bashir

Leader of the opposition Popular Congress Party (PCP), Hassan al-Turabi, called on Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to "leave and ask forgiveness of God and go out (to a country he did not name), while the [United Nations] Security Council can then postpone the demand that he be handed over to the International Criminal Court, year after year."

About This Article

Summary : The leader of Sudan’s opposition Popular Congress Party has called on Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to leave the country to avoid arrest and prosecution in the International Criminal Court. In a wide-ranging interview, Hassan al-Turabi also calls for regime change in Syria and predicts a popular uprising against Bashir in Sudan. Publisher: Al-Hayat (Pan Arab) Original Title: Turabi to Al-Hayat: I Expect a Popular Uprising in Sudan and Call for Bashir to Leave Because the Opposition is United Author: Mohammad al-Makki Ahmad First Published: October 15, 2012 Posted on: October 16 2012 Translated by: Tyler Huffman Categories : Sudan

[Turabi] expects that a "popular revolution" will topple Bashir, stressing that the opposition forces had agreed to overthrow the regime.

In an interview with Al-Hayat — given on the sidelines of the Islamists and Democratic Governance Conference — he spoke about the position of the Iranian government in support of the regime of Bashar al-Assad, saying that it was "hypocritical to [not support] a popular revolution in favor of a dictator going against his people." He also said that Hezbollah was "hurting itself, and its reputation had been tarnished," as a result of its position regarding the situation in Syria.

Al-Hayat asked him about the Sudanese opposition's rejection of a call made by Bashir to form a new constitution for Sudan (the northern part) after the secession of the south.

He said: "They (government leaders) rigged the elections, giving the opposition 3% (of votes). They do not respect the constitution; their own constitution says that provinces can only be modified through the provincial council, yet the president split up the state of Darfur and dismissed the governors."

[When asked:] What are you calling for regarding a new constitution? He responded: "I am not calling for anything by myself, nor is the movement I belong to calling for anything itself. Now, all of the opposition movements (opposition parties) are united, and the Communists are now closer to us. We realized that we cannot deal with this regime; elections will only benefit the regime and [Bashir] is not saying anything about the structure of the country, which is falling apart. He also is not speaking up about the economy, which has resulting in ‘hunger revolutions.’ The regime is trying to stifle [us] to stop us speaking in a public forum."

Speaking about the priorities of the opposition — whose parties and forces have made alliances — he said: "We agreed that [the situation] is hopeless with this regime, and we must work to remove it completely. Our priority now is to overthrow the regime and our methods are peaceful. We learned a lesson from [previous] military coups, for the coup [Bashir] arranged he then reversed. Even if the army came to us and made promises, saying ‘the people are united,’ we would respond by saying: ‘Let the people take action, support the people from afar, and maintain your distance, as was the case during the October 1 revolution in 1964.’ [We would also say]: ‘Do not intervene, like the Egyptian army did after the January 25 revolution.’ [This intervention] rattled the country until an incident occurred that allowed President Mohammed Morsi to remove them (military commanders) completely."

In this context, he noted that "there are groups fighting (in Sudan, meaning armed insurgent movements against the regime), and of course they do not have the means to express themselves. They cannot organize, they have no parties nor [political] role. They were subjected to arrests, bans and deadly attacks by aircraft, so they took up arms."

Do you have a relationship with the armed movements? He replied: "These relationships exist. [These groups] are carrying weapons but we do not condemn them. They were forced (to do so) in self-defense, they defend [themselves] by their methods and we defend ourselves by our methods. However, we have almost reached an agreement that if we are able to get rid of this regime (Bashir's regime), we will not raise weapons (the war will stop). Furthermore, we will not fire guns again, since they (leaders and members of the armed movements) know that the majority of forces are supportive of a decentralized system. There are severe grievances; the record must be set straight and then people can compete in the elections."

And what do you expect? He said: "There is a movement of the masses, I expect a popular uprising, this has happened in Sudan."

He pointed to the role of the youth [in this uprising]: "They don't have much to fear, they have no jobs and no stores."

He was asked about Bashir's confirmation some time ago — after signing an agreement with the president of South Sudan — saying that the opposition's delusions regarding the Arab Spring [reaching] Sudan have gone away.

Turabi said: "They always say that, we have heard it frequently in Egypt, and then saw what the Kefaya Movement did. Those in power are blinded by power until the end. In this world it is better to make progress peacefully and without bloodshed and causing divisions. They (the rulers of Sudan) are interested in their own homes and their own interests, and they fear local reprisals. Thus, they say that there is no Arab Spring in Sudan. They says these words but they will not benefit them at all. Some of them say that statements — such as those that referred to Southerners as insects — ruined everything for us, as Africans began to side heavily with the Southerners."

Will the agreement singed by Bashir and [President of South Sudan] Salva Kiir in Addis Ababa end the problems between the two parts of Sudan? He said: "The contentious issues remain (and haven't been addressed). The only positive thing was the opening up of trade, (closing the border and stopping trade) was stupid. If a business man offers you a deal and you profit from it, and then you sentence him to death, this (measure) is stupid, stupid."

Will the agreement be applied? And has the prospect of war receded? He replied: "International pressure will force them to apply it, but no, no, the prospect of war between the north and the south has not diminished. The border dispute still hasn't been solved and there are problems relating to the Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile [states] remain. 

He said: "Darfur is in very bad shape, and the situation is only escalating. The prices of commodities have doubled and the price of the dollar has risen along with income taxes and transportation (tariffs). Then there are the refugees. Even the flocks of people that came — totaling hundreds of thousands — from West Africa were taken into the Janjaweed [pro-government militias], despite the fact that their own soldiers are fighting against the [Sudanese] government because they found Darfur to be in a state of extreme misery. There are no [public] services, nothing. Thus, the people began to revolt, just like their predecessors."

He noted that: "The danger is evident in Darfur, and we now fear for Sudan, we fear that what is left of Sudan will disintegrate, (such as) Darfur, Kordofan, the Blue Nile and Beja (in eastern Sudan). We must be cautious. I'm not hopeless, if I were, I would have left the public sector, but we must discern all dangers, there are warning signs."

And what is the role of the opposition and what are its responsibilities when it comes to preventing Sudan from being torn apart? He replied: "[The opposition] must do what it can to ignite the masses. Parties — generally — do not lead revolutions, they are led by the masses. The opposition has nearly reached a consensus if they act responsibly (if they hand over power after the overthrow of the regime). Egypt didn't have a transitional regime (following the overthrow of Mubarak), and thus people suffered a lot. President Morsi arrived without any authority, and then led a coup against the authorities. Look at the constitution in Egypt, it's being written by a committee."

Did the Sudanese opposition agree on the basis and pillars of the transitional period following the overthrow of the regime? He said: "There is nearly a consensus regarding the entirety of the constitution and policy as a whole, and there are [even] people within the authorities who are against the authorities, but they are wary of being arrested."

Do you expect Bashir's government to agree to the idea of forming a transitional government? He said: "We proposed this idea but it was rejected completely, even in Syria the idea of a transitional government was proposed, one that would guarantee that the (ruling) party was a factor in the next state, and then people could compete (in elections), however (the Assad regime) responded with tanks and guns."

Are you calling on Bashir to leave and get out of Sudan? He replied: "I am calling on him to leave in a way that would even save him from a trial. This doesn't mean that I agree with protecting people from trials. I believe that the ruler — if he commits the same (mistakes and crimes) committed by the general public — should be punished."

Does this mean that you are calling on Bashir to leave in order to reach a compromise? He said: "In order to save humans (Sudanese) from death in Darfur, Kordofan and the Blue Nile, and tomorrow if the starving people rose up (and revolted) it would devastate many people…I am not talking about a single person, I'm talking about a nation my brother (he said this with intensity), I am talking about a nation and thousands of souls that are not only suffering, but being killed."

Speaking about the manner in which he suggested Bashir hand over power, [Turabi] said: "[It must be done through] a transitional government. If Bashir's party wants to hold a national conference, let them do it. Let them take a lesson from history, if they look with maturity at what happened to the Sudanese Socialist Union Party (Gaafar Nimeiry's party), to Hosni Mubarak's party, and to Ali Abdullah Saleh's party. These parties fabricated authority by merely terrorizing and intimidating."

Speaking about the opinions of Islamists from Arab Spring countries regarding the experience of the Sudanese regime, he said: "It hurts them, because people say to them: Do you want to do to us what (Bashir's regime) did? It hurts them because there have been major errors, corruption and extreme tyranny. The Sudanese regime is despised, after previously having been respected. Sudan produced world leaders who would address issues of international conflict, but now its own issues are not even addressed at home. Our 'king' is flawed yet doesn't see his own flaws. He is flawed to the extent that even a child could notice his flaws, and tell someone and it would spread among the people. Those who were applauding him in the past now realize that this is how societies operate."

He stressed that: "Even those in power, if you talked to them in private, would say something completely different. They are not sympathetic to the regime, but they are kept in place by the necessities of the position. Their material needs and their salaries force them [to do what they do]. He also noted that the regime in Khartoum "depends to a large extent — and more than ever before — on the outside, and has no support base. It's base is angry and fidgeting."

During your meetings with leaders in a number of countries, have you noticed a sense of danger regarding the situation in Sudan? He said: "All of them — whether they admit it or not — say that we know Sudan is in dire straits at the summit of power, they all say that."

He pointed out that "our president — when he went to Egypt — was not welcomed or treated as he was in the past. The [Egyptian] president did not greet him at the airport, he merely sat with [Bashir] briefly and then left him with the prime minister to discuss issues regarding [the two countries'] functional relationship."

[Turabi] attributed this to the fact that Morsi is "the result of a modern revolution. He is a revolutionary that did not come to power through a coup." He revealed that two Sudanese leaders went to Morsi (to discuss relations), and told him that they were high ranking leaders. [Morsi] said to them: "I have yet to take the [presidential] oath." Morsi then asked them if they supported Turabi. They responded that they didn't, and Morsi then said: "You two are Sudanese, and the Sudanese are welcome in Egypt."

Turabi stressed that reconciliation between him and Bashir's regime would be "very difficult." When asked whether it was possible that [those in power] would step down if the pressure on them increased, [he noted that] “all tyrants fight until the last moment. Thus, we must either kill, prosecute or arrest (the tyrant).”

When speaking about the "Islamic Movement" meeting in Khartoum — which the regime had invited him to — [Turabi] said: "They established a private entity that they called the 'Islamic movement' because they now have money and power. However, their conferences witnessed many rifts, especially given that some people (regime officials) have been deprived of authority. The state is now trying to appease tribes and create jobs from nothing. They have appointed ministers who do nothing, and the [state-owned] media doesn't know anything, nor do the people."

Do you expect the (ruling) Islamic movement to select a new secretary general? He replied: "Only God knows. Even if that happens it won't make a difference concerning their situation. The armed forces, security services and ruling forces do not authorize them to do anything. I was critical of the absence of press freedoms, and (when I participated in the regime) I wanted there to be more freedom for the press and for political parties, as well as more freedom of expression."

When asked whether or not that meant that domination in Sudan is now carried out by armed forces and the security apparatus, he replied: "The authorities are more powerful now than they were in the past, [the president] is trying to establish a balance with those who were enticed by the prospect of [government] posts when Turabi left the government (as the result of a conflict with Bashir). He is very afraid that the Islamic movement — which he doesn't like — will be successful. He says 'I am the president of the country, the president of the National Congress (the ruling party) and of the Islamic movement.'"

Al-Hayat asked him about Bashir's announcement that he would not be running for another term as president. He replied: "We have heard a lot of things that have turned out not to be true. We heard this from Hosni Mubarak and from Ali Abdullah Saleh, they then [reversed this decision], saying they were only responding to the desires of the people … what people? (laughing) …"

We then asked him about the situation in Syria. Turabi called on Assad to leave, and said: "I don't like this sect, it is now an authoritarian sect."

He also urged Assad to find a "peaceful solution, that would take Syria to another level and prevent personal and general reprisals. He should leave the country and completely resign, so that a transitional rule can began, elections can be held, and the people can rule themselves."

And concerning Iran's support for the Assad regime, he said: "This position is not suitable for them. (Iran experienced) a popular revolution, and it is hypocritical to [not support] a popular revolution in favor of a dictator going against his own people."

He added that "the Iranian revolution was one of the first revolutions in the world, and [at the time] we all forgot about our sects and watched as [Ayatollah Ali] Khomeini went from Paris to Tehran, this was a major tide in the Islamic world. This event took us beyond sectarianism, and it was deemed (at least in the Islamic and Arab worlds) to be an Islamic event, not just an Iranian one. So how can they support Assad? They say that he is Shiite, and this means that they are focusing on their own sect. This means that Iran is closing in on its own sect, and this type of isolation closes them off from other people, as happened to Hezbollah."

He added: "When Hezbollah took action against Israel, the entire Islamic world supported it. Yet now, since Hezbollah is supporting the authorities in Syria, it is hurting itself. Its reputation is tarnished, and it not longer enjoys the sympathy [of the Islamic world].”