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Turks Question Endgame Of Kurdish Peace Effort

Many analysts and writers who enthusiastically support the government’s “resolution process” with the Kurds argue that the nation-state has come to an end, writes Tulin Daloglu.

Selahattin Demirtas, co-chairman of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), gestures during a rally to celebrate the spring festival of Newroz in Istanbul March 17, 2013. Kurdish parliamentarians set off by boat on Monday to visit Kurdish militant leader Abdullah Ocalan in his island prison where they expected him to summon his fighters to cease fire and leave Turkey to help end a 28-year-old insurgency. The conflict has been a major source of instability in Turkey, a NATO member, and a huge burden
Confetti flies before an image of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan during a Nowruz rally in Istanbul March 17, 2013. — REUTERS/Murad Sezer

Turkish people have an all-or-nothing thinking pattern about the US role on crucial domestic and foreign issues that shapes their future. When American diplomats hear about it, they often express sadness of Turkey’s self-perceived vulnerability and remind us that their conduct of diplomacy has no place in meddling anyone’s domestic affairs. This common dialectic unfortunately does not help either side to correct misperceptions, and that by refusing to meet halfway — by accepting some US influence in shaping policies here, it continues to make this an unhealthy alliance.

There is still concern on the Turkish side that the Western powers have a master plan to carve out an independent Kurdistan when this massive transformation in the Middle East ends. While on one side Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government presents itself with an unmatchable confidence as playing an influential role in its region, it becomes difficult to square the allegations as delivered by Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu on March 15 when he suggested, “Either we will unite as Turks, Kurds, Bosnians and Arabs and walk toward our goals with a new understanding of politics, or they will try tearing us to shreds and splitting us into small pieces.”

Such remarks directly find resonance in this nation’s historical background as the legitimate inheritor of the Ottomans. Therefore when Turks talk about the Kurdish issue — meaning Kurds' right to self-determination — it immediately evokes those old wounds of nationalistic aspirations, and slicing off territory from the motherland. Again, ironically enough though, it’s the Erdogan government that harshly criticizes those who continue to carry this psychological baggage over losing land, but when it comes to politicking they also play to those weaknesses of the society.

The Erdogan government certainly trusts its economic success, and therefore considers itself in power for a long time to come, but it also chooses to dress its image in the region just like the good old days of the Ottomans. As a profound lecturer, Davutoglu often talks about his vision of “Strategic Depth” where he argues that eventually the borders will lose their significance, trade will flourish, and that will eventually lead to a harmonious cooperation among the Muslim nations meshing together their interests and future. When listened to carefully though, Davutoglu unfortunately sounds like he is suggesting that all the others will have to abide by Turkey’s leadership, because it is the superior and most powerful of all, and just as in the Ottoman era, Turkey will expand its influence from the Balkans to the Middle East to Africa and beyond. This attitude implicitly embeds imperial motives.

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